The wages of affirmative action: doing the job for the quota queens.
I would like to follow up my post from yesterday.
If we want to take all this talk about “high trust hunter-gatherers” and “differences in ethnocentrism among Europeans” seriously, then what suggestions can be made about racial nationalist activism (at least in America)? Now, no doubt, some will disagree with my opinions and suggestions, and I of course can be wrong and my reasoning flawed. But at least I’m trying to practically follow through on the premises of HBD-oriented racialism (and I do not believe I am wrong).
How to get the less ethnocentric majority of Whites (we can focus on White Americans here) activated to be a more ethnocentric outlook?
1. Use memes that can be viewed as at least partially compatible with moral universalism, while avoiding civic nationalism and citizenism. Salter’s concepts of universal nationalism and democratic multiculturalism (aimed at majority interests) are good fits for this approach, although one would expect that more ethnocentric Whites would be more rapidly attracted to any such ethny-based strategies than the less ethnocentric (see next two points).
2. Make racial nationalism more socially acceptable – which includes defusing social pricing and making the major points of racial nationalism viewed as justifiable (this point overlaps with number one above). First, the freaks, defectives, and Nutzis (which make up the bulk of Der Movement) need to be eschewed. Attempting to build a more socially acceptable and social pricing-proof movement is not going to work if the builders are intellectually, morally, and behaviorally compromised. Second, to put the herd effect to good use, we need a critical mass of a minority of the White population to be overtly ethnocentric – and this includes a solid minority of White elites as well. One must remember that not so long ago even the less ethnocentric of America’s White ethnies were quite “racist” by today’s standards. At that time, having such views was socially acceptable; a critical mass of general population as well as of elite opinion was “racist” and so there was an underlying mild ethnocentric milieu that allowed stability of such opinions. Societal changes over time (thanks, Jews) destroyed this mild ethnocentric consensus, and without the foundation of this consensus less ethnocentric Whites have been easily pried away from pursuing their racial interests.
Thus, to rebuild at least a critical mass of a minority of the White population to be ethnocentric, role models to encourage the majority of the White population to follow, it stands to reason one must start with the most ethnocentric Whites. One must start with those Whites who are not so dependent on a pre-existing racialist societal consensus. After all, these are the people who need to build (or rebuild) that consensus; it presently does not exist. The human material (both mass and elite) for such an endeavor is most probably predominantly represented by those people supportive of (the public perception of) “Trump the Bigot”: Southern Whites, Northeast White ethnics, and the non-defective portion of “movement” “activists.”
Concomitant with this effort, building of alternative socioeconomic infrastructures will be necessary to fight social pricing. Here things get tricky, for recruitment of these “founding ethocentrics” will be hampered by social pricing; yet, to build the infrastructures necessary to defeat social pricing, you need some critical mass, some threshold, of people and resources. It’s a “catch-22” – you need the people to defeat social pricing, but getting those people will be difficult until such time that social pricing is defeated. We can see the damage done by “movement” quota queens who wasted decades that could have been used building the beginning of the anti-social pricing infrastructure. Even if Der Movement never had the critical mass of people required to set this up in a reasonable time frame, if one considers the decades that have been available, even a relatively small number of people could have jump-started the required infrastructures.
So, perhaps the only way around the “catch-22” is to start now what Der Movement should have done long ago – slowly building the infrastructures even without the necessary critical mass of people. The problem is that this will take a very long time, perhaps longer than we realistically have. In other words, the “catch-22” exists because the time is late, and to build what is required in a reasonable time frame will require many people. If it was started in the 1960s, 70s, 80s, or even 90s, it could have been successful by leveraging time even with few people and resources.
Thus, today, needing to get things done more quickly, we need more people and resources to defeat social pricing, but getting the people to begin with will be difficult because of the very same social pricing we need them to defeat. If the process had been started long ago, the same result could have been accomplished with a small number of people, working persistently over time. The “catch-22” would not have existed, because the necessary numbers required back then would have been realistic to achieve (and social pricing was weaker the farther back you go in time – it existed no doubt, but less than today). But Der Movement wasted that opportunity, as it wasted so many others.
However, better late than never. We don’t want to create a situation in which activists of the future criticize us in the same manner we (or I) do those of the past.
Of course, point two requires an appeal to more ethnocentric White ethnies, something Der Movement does not want to do.
Indeed, if you accept these memes about ethnic differences in ethnocentrism, then Der Movement actively and enthusiastically rejects and repels the more ethnocentric European types, while focusing on the least ethnocentric and most “anti-racist.” Then Der Movement, like a hamster on a wheel, goes nowhere and wonders why.
3. If we can “heighten the contradictions” through chaotic balkanization, hastening the inherent raciocultural decline of America, and make multiculturalism painfully unworkable for the White American majority, then this may trigger the latent ethnocentric impulses of the “high trust” groups. This would of course require some already-ethnocentric Whites to get the process started. The more radical and dynamic elements of Trump’s supporters – with the correct leadership – can help in this regard (regardless of the outcome of the election; the proper memes can be adjusted for each outcome). This again would require Der Movement to work with the types of Whites they dislike, despise, and eschew. That does not seem likely. No doubt – more failure ahead.